Chiara Manzoni

The research reveals the pivotal role schools can have in integrating migrant children and their families, creating an inclusive school environment and optimising the performance of pupils who might need additional support, especially with English. Through case studies of 15 schools across England the study identifies good and promising practices towards successful integration across all areas of learning and school life. In particular it finds:
Schools note that migrant pupils usually progress very quickly, so that investment in the early months pays off. However, funding for English as an Additional Language (EAL) has been cut, so that many schools are not able to provide pupils with the support they need.
Immersion in the classroom is found to be best for pupils’ social integration as well as for progression, though additional support is essential for pupils with limited English.
Migrant pupils and their families make a positive contribution to the life of their schools. This includes the motivation and attitude of many migrant pupils and the enrichment through exposure of pupils and staff to different languages and cultures.
Schools in the research involve non-migrant pupils in a number of initiatives to support new arrivals. Non-migrant pupils act as buddies, mentors and language ambassadors, often receiving training for such roles.
Schools visited by the researchers engage migrant parents in a wide range of activities. They run language classes, provide information on matters such as health and how to assist with children’s learning at home. Schools also organise events where migrant and non-migrant families mix and step in to help migrant, and other, families in difficulty.

London has been a leading knowledge economy, high-tech and financial services hub and a prime destination of highly-qualified EU migrants. For example, the City of London and associated financial, professional and business services have acted as a key pull factor for highly-skilled young migrants from the EU. Indeed, London attracts a large number of EU migrants, more so than the rest of the UK’s regions. Its high skilled/knowledge economy sector is large, with 29% of its workforce employed in high-skilled jobs.
London’s significant migratory inflows have also been underpinned by the fact that during and after the global financial crisis the UK’s economy has grown reasonably quickly in relation to other European countries. For example, over one third of all active movers in the period 2008-2012 came to the UK because of better employment opportunities. As part of this trend, the UK in general and London in particular were the recipients of large numbers of highly-qualified EU nationals from Southern Europe – which was hardest hit by the crisis.
However, Brexit and its implications for free movement of labour is likely to have a substantial adverse impact on London and its future as a leading knowledge economy, high-tech and financial services hub and a prime destination of highly qualified EU migrants. There are already signs of talent flight among EU nationals living and working in the UK in general, and London in particular.
Brexit is also expected to exacerbate skills and labour shortages in a number of sectors which employ both highly- and low-skilled workers (as well as medium-skilled ones). Indeed, the UK (and London) is already experiencing increased skills and labour shortages in a number of sectors – both low- and highly-skilled ones – due to a fall in the number of EU nationals who either choose not to come to work here or have left (or plan to leave). Crucially, as a recent survey found, 47% of highly-skilled EU workers were considering leaving the UK in the next five years (Deloitte, 2017). Brexit has also called into question the future of the City of London as one of the world’s leading financial centres.
The employment and skills-related implications of Brexit will depend on the actual nature of the final Brexit agreement, including notably the limits on freedom of movement which, at present, seem to be absolute, i.e. ‘hard’ Brexit.1 However, even in this case, there are various options in relation to migration policies vis-à-vis EU nationals, each of which will have different implications in relation to labour and/or skills shortages. Since London employs by far the largest number of highly-skilled EU migrants, it will be disproportionately (and adversely) affected, albeit to varying degrees, depending on the form of final Brexit deal. The official Brexit negotiations started only recently and are accompanied by a high degree of uncertainty, which is already having a negative impact on the UK’s (and London’s) economy.

The aim of this study is to provide quantitative and qualitative evidence on the territorial patterns of employment dynamics within European countries and regions, highlighting the key trends and main drivers (territorial conditions and policy factors) of location preferences, with focus on the links between Knowledge Economies, new patterns of (high skilled youth) migration flows within and between countries and their effects on socio-spatial disparities. We consider this relationship to be a crucial underpinning of Cohesion Policies (CP) within the EU.
A multidisciplinary research approach was adopted, combining sociological and policy analysis approaches, with statistical and econometric modelling and data analysis, and spatial analysis and geographic information system (GIS) modelling. The statistical and spatial analysis of inter-regional and international EU migration and trends in skills distribution and industrial structure was complemented with a qualitative scenario analysis and six in depth regional case studies.

This chapter contains the main findings of a literature review
on the subject of smart industrial relations. It aims to identify
recent trends in the manufacturing, automotive and chemicals sectors in western European countries (Belgium, France, Scandinavia and the UK) and identify the main features of smart production. It also highlights positive experiences, focusing in particular on collaborative
manufacturing practices. It gives details of three company case studies of innovative working, from the UK, Belgium and France. It examines whether these types of practices can make a difference to production outcomes and competitiveness, what the social partners can do to help
develop smart industrial relations, and whether good practice examples can be transferred across borders.

This chapter analyzes the survival and adaptation strategies used by
Roma migrants when they choose their housing accommodation within
settlements. Romani studies have emphasized the role played by camps as institutional places of control, but the topic has rarely been analyzed
systematically focusing on Roma agency. Based on ethnographic
observation and interviews with Romanian and former Yugoslavian Roma migrants living in Italy, this chapter shows the complexity of their choices and related housing careers. Over the years, some Roma migrants choose to leave the settlement, moving to a different housing solution, others remain inside the camp and yet others, after a brief attempt elsewhere, return to the settlement. These different choices are explored in the chapter by examining Roma opportunity and constraints including their migration projects and the features of their transnational behaviors. The implications of the findings for policy are discussed.

The focus of this paper is on the effect that privatisation of public utilities has had on employment, both in quantitative and qualitative terms, as far as this can be determined. It analyses in particular the risk of precariousness, thus complementing recent research published by the European Parliament on the risk of precarious employment.

According to the Office for National Statistics (ONS) less than half (48%) of disabled people are in employment compared to 80% of the non-disabled population.1 Reflecting the considerable structural barriers that the UK’s disabled population face, the disability employment rate gap has not changed significantly in recent years and stands at 32 percentage points.2 Although disabled women are more likely (56%) to be in employment than disabled men (44%), they face a distinct intersectional or dual labour market disadvantage based on both their sex and disability.
Indeed, despite the UK’s long-standing equality (and anti-discrimination) legislation, disabled women are still less likely to access employment, receive equal pay and advance their careers. Even when they are highly qualified, disabled women have lower participation rates in higher skilled occupations and work fewer hours than both non-disabled women and disabled men. As a result, disabled women have lower earnings and fewer opportunities for career advancement. A multitude of social and institutional barriers are likely to restrict the career options of women with disabilities. For example, traditional gender roles and socio-institutional stereotypes can restrict the range of jobs open to women with disabilities.
Linked to this is the fact that there is a pronounced disability pay gap which is further exacerbated by a gender pay gap. Research the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) has shown that, compared to non-disabled men and women, the pay gap for disabled men is 11% and for disabled women is 22%. With particular reference to gender pay gap, although the employment gap between disabled men and women has decreased in recent years, the pay gap between the two has widened.
A cornerstone in the UK’s anti-discrimination legislation is the Equality Act 2010 which came into force in October 2010 and brought together all major reforming legislation of the past 40 years into one statute. Although it sought to introduce the concept of multiple discrimination, this does not seem to be clearly and explicitly articulated (or incorporated); and this has adverse implications for women with disabilities.
Both the size of population deemed disabled and the disability employment gap as well as the associated costs of disability-induced economic inactivity has been of particular and perennial concern to UK policy makers. To this end, a raft of policies and programmes as well as laws and legislative measures such as the Equality Act 2010 have been designed and implemented over the years with the explicit or implicit aim of increasing the employment rate of disabled men and women, thus reducing the disability employment gap.
In October 2016, the Government published the Improving Lives: The Work, Health and Disability Green Paper which stresses its aim to halve the disability employment gap and outlines relevant proposals about combatting prejudices and misunderstandings, ensuring equal access to labour market opportunities, preventing people with disabilities from falling out of work, and supporting them to progress in the workplace. Yet, it included no specific mention about improving the employment outcomes of disabled women.
As far as European funds are concerned, since the UK has a long-standing tradition of designing and implementing national programmes and initiatives aimed at people with disabilities, funds such as the ESF have traditionally played a marginal role by either to complementing or filling gaps in existing provision but not replacing mainstream provision.

According to the Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA) “Housing condition of Roma and Travelers in the European Union” report, many Roma and Travelers in the EU are disadvantaged in private and social housing. This disadvantage consists of discrimination in access housing, poor housing conditions, segregation and forced evictions (FRA, 2009). All around Europe, Roma are more endangered by homelessness than non-Roma. This high risk of homelessness concerns the tenure insecurity, as well as the discrimination on the housing market. That said, the topic of my paper is the analysis of the housing
careers of Roma who moved from camps and slums, focusing on the possibility opened by the housing projects carried out by the Council of Turin.

Since the 1990s, major political and economical transformations are modifying the distribution of Roma population within Europe. In particular, some Roma families chose to migrate to Western European countries, adopting transnational trajectories to improve their living conditions. Many of them do not enter the regular housing market and find a shelter in urban slums, in the suburbs, with very poor housing condition. Research on Roma migration from Eastern to Western Countries tends to emphasize the structuring role of slums. Literature stresses that slums make Roma visible, and tend to turn them into the main public problem for local politics, decreasing work opportunities and inclusion of Roma migrants.
Based on a research carried out between October 2009 and September 2012 inside slums in Turin (Italy) as well as in Romania and in Bosnia, this paper shows different strategies of survival and adaptation of Roma migrants living in settlements. Through ethnography as well as the reconstruction of life stories, I explored the mechanisms that explain why they remain in settlements, or why they leave them. The core of reflections is the analysis of different factors that Roma take actively into account when they strategically decide where to live.

La ricerca esplora le carriere abitative di quei rom in emergenza abitativa che sono usciti da un “campo attrezzato” o “tollerato” o da una baraccopoli informale, scegliendo una soluzione abitativa differente. L’analisi ha approfondito le modalità attraverso le quali vengono intrapresi i percorsi di uscita: collocando questa esperienza entro un segmento biografico ampio, precedente e successivo al trasferimento nella nuova soluzione abitativa.